Details

Subject(s)

• Afroasiatic languages—Grammar—Congresses [Browse]
• Oriental philology [Browse]

Related name

• Conference on Afroasiatic Languages [Browse]
• Lecarme, Jacqueline [Browse]

Series

• Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory ; v. 241. [More in this series]
• Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory, 0304-0763 ; v. 241 [More in this series]

Summary note

This volume contains 22 of the papers presented at the 5th Conference on Afroasiatic Languages (CAL 5) held at Université Paris VII in June 2000. The authors report their latest research on the syntax, morphology, and phonology of quite a number of languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Amharic, Tigrinya, Coptic Egyptian, Berber, Hausa, Beja, Somali, Gamo). The articles discuss new solutions to familiar questions such as the free state/construct state alternation of nouns, the Semitic template system, and the morphosyntax of nominal and verbal plurality. Ten of the papers center on morphology, especially the relation of phonology to syntax and morphology; others address questions at the syntax/semantics/pragmatics interface; two papers also offer comparative and historical perspectives. Taken as a whole, the papers provide an accurate picture of the state of current research in Afroasiatic linguistics, containing important new data and new analyses. Given its coverage, the book is a valuable resource for anyone interested in Afroasiatic languages and theoretical linguistics.

Notes

Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph

Bibliographic references

Includes bibliographical references and index.

Language note

English

Contents

• RESEARCH IN AFROASIATIC GRAMMAR II
• Editorial page
• Title page
• LCC page
• Table of contents
• Acknowledgements
• Alternation of state in Berber
• 1. Introduction
• 2. The initial vowel is a determiner
• 3. Non-genuine prepositions are head determiners
• 4. Subject and object morphemes are former determiners
• 4.1. Subject morpheme
• 4.2. Object morpheme
• 5. FS DPs
• 5.1. FS DPs as topics
• 5.2. FS DPs in eastern Berber dialects
• 6. Definiteness
• 7. Conclusion
• Notes
• References
• Anti-faithfulness
• 1.1. Morphology as constraints
• 1.2. Morphology as anti-faithfulness constraints
• 1.3. Truncation
• 2. Colloquial Hebrew imperative truncation
• 2.1. The analysis
• 2.2. Blocking truncation
• 3. Conclusion
• The internal structure of the determiner in Beja
• 2. Ingredients: The phonological and grammatical primitives
• 3. The phonological identity of the grammatical features
• 3.1. A form of correspondence between the grammatical features and their phonological exponents
• 3.2. Analysis
• 3.3. Summary and questions
• 4. Why additional elements
• 4.1. Proposal
• 4.2. Uniqueness of the Apophonic Addition
• 5. What has to be lexicalized?
• 6. Conclusion
• Reciprocals as plurals in Arabic
• 0. Introduction
• 1. The standard analysis of the ``reciprocal''
• 2. Reciprocals as plurals
• 3. A unified word based analysis of Arabic morphology: The role of the imperfective
• 4. The role of the imperfective in Arabic word formation
• 5. Conclusion
• Modern Hebrew possessive yeS constructions
• 1. The possessive construction in Hebrew
• 1.1. The possession link: the particle yeS
• 1.2. The properties of the possessor
• 1.3. Subject properties of the possessee.
• 2. A survey of the literature on possessive constructions
• 3. Analysis
• 3.1. EPP
• 3.2. Predication
• 3.3. The nature and position of yeS
• 4. Concluding remarks
• The thematic and syntactic status of Ps
• Introduction
• 1. The Dative-Locative distinction
• 1.1. The binding contrast
• 2. The Dative P
• 2.1. Dative P is not a theta-assigner: (6a) is not an option
• 2.2. Arguments for (4c)
• 3. The Directional PPs: A case-study of `send'
• 3.1. The ambiguity
• 3.2. The Benefactive-Directional distinction
• 3.3. The Directional use
• Summary
• Emergent vowels in Tigrinya templates
• 1. Semitic templates
• 1.1. Background
• 1.2. A word-based approach
• 2. Tigrinya template vowels
• 2.1. Paradigms
• 2.2. The basic stem
• 2.3. Affix faithfulness
• 2.4. Anchoring
• 3. Specification of stem vowels
• 3.1. Listing vocalisms
• 3.2. Causative stems
• 4. Other BD correspondence relations
• 4.1. The Imperative
• 4.2. The Frequentative
• Transitivity alternations in the Semitic template system
• 1. Causative and middle morphology as marking transitivity alternation
• 2. The causative analysis of transitivity alternations
• 3. The reflexivization analysis of transitivity alternations
• 4. The mixed derivation analysis of transitivity alternations
• 5. Agency and voice: A new analysis of transitivity alternations
• 5.1. Semitic morphology
• 5.2. Lexicon, syntax and vocabulary
• 5.3. Voice
• Conclusion
• Verbal plurality, transitivity, and causativity
• 1. Issues
• 1.1. Problem 1: Semitic morpho-syntax
• 1.2. Problem 2: Transitivity theory
• 2. Number Theory
• 2.1. Ingredients of NbT
• 2.2. Verbal plurality and distributed Nb
• 2.3. Distributed plurality.
• 2.4. Causative complexity, verbalization, and distributivity
• 2.5. Two sources of transitivity
• 2.6. Parallel plural morphology
• 2.7. Summary
• 3. Cross-linguistic evidence
• 3.1. Causatives, transitives, and event quantification
• 3.2. Moravcsik's resistant cases
• 4. Conceptual motivations and competing analyses
• 4.1. Little v: Verbalizer or transitivizer?
• 4.2. Aspect
• 4.3. Voice
• 4.4. Further empirical motivations
• 5. Nb theory and Nb heights
• 5.1. Sg and Pl Merge
• 5.2. Language variation
• 6. Summary and conclusion
• Ex-situ and in-situ focus in Hausa
• 2. Semantics of focus
• 3. Options for focus marking
• 4. Focus constructions in Hausa
• 4.1. Ex-situ focus
• 4.2. In-situ focus
• 4.3. Parallels between Focus and Wh
• 4.4. Kiss's (1996, 1998) tests applied to the Hausa data
• 5. Minimalist analysis of in-situ and ex-situ focus
• 5.1. Ex-situ focus
• 5.2. In-situ focus
• 6. Conclusions
• 6.1. Descriptive conclusions
• 6.2. Theoretical conclusions
• The metathesis effect in Classical Arabic and the representation of geminates
• 1. Constituent structure and phonological licensing
• 1.1. Constituent structure
• 1.2. Phonological licensing
• 1.3. The Coda-Onset domain: On a head-complement asymmetry
• 2. Classical Arabic constituent structure
• 2.1. Do Nuclei branch?
• 2.2. Do Onsets branch?
• 2.3. Do Rimes branch?
• 2.4. Geminates
• 3. The metathesis effect in Classical Arabic
• 3.1. The facts
• 3.2. The licensing of geminate consonants
• 3.3. Triploids
• 4. The distribution of geminate types
• 5. Summary
• Omotic
• Part 1
• Part 2
• Gemination in the morphophonology of Gamo
• An analysis of gemination in Gamo
• References.
• Demonstratives and reinforcers in Arabic, Romance and Germanic
• 2. The data
• 2.1. Dialectal variation
• 2.2. Further observations
• 3. The theoretical background
• 3.1. Universal word order and the basic position of demonstratives
• 3.2. DP-internal movement
• 4. The analysis
• 4.1. Pre-nominal demonstratives
• 4.2. Post-nominal demonstratives
• 5. Further discussion
• 5.1. The puzzle
• 5.2. Towards a solution
• Tonal alternations in Somali
• 2. Data and previous analysis
• 2.1. Data
• 2.2. Previous analysis
• 3.1. Underlying accent
• 3.2. The high tone and the intonative structure
• 3.3. The [-Subject, -Focus] case
• 3.4. The [+Subject, -Focus] case
• 3.5. Focalization
• 4. Conclusion
• Verb conjugations and the Strong Pronoun declension in Standard Arabic
• 1. The Imperfective, Subjunctive and Jussive conjugations
• 2. Syntactic-phonological derivations
• 3. Morpho-syntactic derivations
• 4. The Perfective conjugation
• 5. The Strong Pronoun declension
• 6. The syntactic-phonological derivations of Strong Pronouns
• 7. The morpho-phonological derivations of the Perfective conjugation
• 8. Conclusion
• The historical dynamics of the Arabic plural system
• 1. Theories of morphology
• 2. The dynamics of the plural system
• 3. What happens in change
• 3.1. What happens in MA in detail
• 4. Explaining the changes
• The syntax of special inflection in Coptic interrogatives
• 2. Descriptive background
• 2.1. A paradigmatic split in the tense/aspect system
• 2.2. The syntactic distribution of relative tenses
• 3. Yes-no questions
• 3.1. Unmarked yes-no questions
• 3.2. Yes-no questions with interrogative particles.
• 3.3. Particle placement
• 4. Wh-questions
• 4.1. The Clause-Typing Hypothesis
• 4.2. Coptic wh-words
• 4.3. Wh-in-situ questions
• 4.4. Wh-fronting
• 5. Feature movement vs. category movement
• 5.1. Setting the stage
• 5.2. Two competing Minimalist analyses
• 5.3. Anchoring the wh-feature
• 5.4. T0-to-F0 movement
• 6. Summary and conclusions
• Indexicality, logophoricity, and plural pronouns
• 0. Two puzzles
• 1. Indexical pronouns: Standard cases
• 1.1. Singular indexical pronouns
• 1.2. Plural indexical pronouns
• 2. Shifted indexicals
• 2.1. Why are indexicals rigid in English?
• 2.2. Features
• 3. Logophoric pronouns
• 3.1. The singular case
• 3.2. The plural case
• Vowel innovation in Arabic
• 2. Background
• 2.1. Representational assumptions and phonological properties
• 2.2. Inductive grounding
• 3. Vowel innovation data
• 4. Account of /"37/
• 5. Account of /O/
• Phrasal movement in Hebrew DPs
• 2. The construct asymmetry
• 3. Phrasal movement in Hebrew DPs
• 4. Scope asymmetries
• 5. Movement interactions in the derivation of complex DPs
• Prosodic Case checking domain
• 1. Setting the stage
• 2. Neither in the lexcion nor in syntax
• 3. Case
• 4. Consequences
• 5. Definiteness
• 5.1. The article constraint
• 5.2. New light on (in)definiteness spread
• 6. Nonnominal constructs
• Templatic effects as fixed prosody
• 2. Previous approaches to nonconcatenative morphology
• 3. Consequences of the fixed prosody approach
• 4. The data
• 4.1. The binyanim of Hebrew
• 4.2. The binyanim of Arabic
• 5. The analysis.
• 5.1. The Hebrew binyanim: Fixed prosody and affix faithfulness.

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Other title(s)

• Research in Afroasiatic grammar two
• Research in Afroasiatic grammar 2

ISBN

• 1-282-16110-5
• 9786612161100
• 90-272-9634-0

OCLC

55664369

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